Zhu Rongji Cremated in Beijing: The Political Logic Behind China's Leaders' Posthumous Affairs, from Public Mourning to Babaoshan Revolutionary Cemetery

Former Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji passed away last week at the age of 97. His body was cremated on Tuesday (18th) in Beijing.

According to China's state media Xinhua News Agency, national flags were lowered to half-mast in mourning at Tiananmen Square, Xinhua Gate (the main gate of Zhongnanhai), the Great Hall of the People, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, party and government headquarters in all provinces, autonomous regions, and municipalities, as well as in the Hong Kong and Macao Special Administrative Regions, border checkpoints, international seaports and airports, and Chinese embassies abroad.

On Tuesday morning, following the regular flag-raising ceremony at Tiananmen Square, the national flag was immediately lowered to half-mast. The farewell ceremony was held at the Grand Hall of the Babaoshan Revolutionary Cemetery. Above the main hall hung a black banner with white characters reading "In Deep Mourning for Comrade Zhu Rongji," beneath which stood Zhu's portrait.

All seven members of the Politburo Standing Committee of the Chinese Communist Party attended, along with Vice President Han Zheng—matching the attendance level of the farewell ceremonies for former Premiers Li Keqiang and Li Peng. The key difference was that Peng Liyuan did not attend, although she had attended Li Keqiang’s memorial. Hu Jintao also did not attend but sent a wreath; CCTV’s "Xinwen Lianbo" broadcast did not clearly show whether Wen Jiabao attended, though it confirmed he sent a wreath.

For decades, the Chinese Communist Party has been wary of public reactions to the deaths of high-ranking officials and public figures. The deaths of former Premier Zhou Enlai in 1976 and former CCP General Secretary Hu Yaobang in 1989 both triggered widespread mourning that eventually evolved into protest movements. The sudden passing of former Premier Li Keqiang also sparked widespread public nostalgia, including spontaneous flower offerings by residents of his hometown, which similarly raised official concerns.

Online, posts about Zhu Rongji have been strictly censored and removed. On the social media platform WeChat, Zhao Jian, founding dean of the Xijing Institute and economist, wrote a tribute to Zhu and the era he represented:

"I wish this were all just a big dream, and upon waking, it would still be thirty years ago. Back then, there were no smartphones, no short videos, no screen-fulls of anxiety peddlers. The sky was blue, life moved slowly, and people could speak honestly."

"We were poor then—poor in a solid way… but people’s eyes had light, their hearts had certainty, and the future was visible."

"Now we are materially abundant, with diverse choices, skyscrapers and bustling traffic… but why does the heart feel so empty?"

At the end, Zhao added a self-mocking parenthetical note: "This memorial article, rewritten and edited repeatedly, still couldn’t be published. Ha." The piece was deleted from WeChat the day after it was posted.

BBC Beijing correspondents Laura Bicker and reporter Koh Ewe noted that while the Chinese government officially praises Zhu Rongji as a "loyal" party member, authorities also remain vigilant against public mourning for the reform era he symbolized, which could implicitly criticize the current leadership.

What truly resonates with the Chinese public, however, may be the unique personal style of these two leaders—a rare approachability and warmth.

A documentary on Jiang Zemin produced by Chinese state media shows him at times slamming the table, at others bursting into laughter. A widely circulated photo on social media depicts Jiang and Zhu laughing heartily together, accompanied by captions praising their candid communication style.

"They spoke truth, took responsibility, and served the people wholeheartedly," the caption reads.

This style deeply appeals to Chinese audiences, contrasting sharply with today’s carefully choreographed leadership image. The passing of these two leaders marks the definitive end of the 1990s and early 2000s—a period of rapid advancement emphasizing private entrepreneurship and wealth creation.

This stands in contrast to Xi Jinping, who has strengthened centralization and promoted a state-led economic policy focused on technological self-reliance and strategic industries. At Monday’s memorial event, he stated: "On our new journey, we must heighten vigilance against various risks."

He also said China must "proactively respond to major trials brought by storms and even tempests" with "unyielding fighting spirit and superb fighting capabilities."

He further praised Jiang Zemin’s 1989 crackdown on a Shanghai-based reformist newspaper that had supported pro-democracy demonstrators—events that culminated in the bloody suppression at Beijing’s Tiananmen Square.

Kerry Brown, Professor of Chinese Studies and Director of the Lau China Institute at King’s College London, said: "Xi Jinping is committed to the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation."

He added: "He is trying to craft a unified historical narrative—any suggestion that they (Jiang Zemin, Zhu Rongji) represented an alternative path will not be allowed to circulate publicly. Instead, their lives will be woven into a narrative that everything they did was to transform China into what it is today, avoiding any 'what if' speculation."

The Babaoshan Revolutionary Cemetery, where Zhu Rongji’s farewell ceremony and cremation took place, was originally the Ming Dynasty Huguo Temple. After the founding of the PRC, it was surveyed and rebuilt under Zhou Enlai’s instructions. In 1970, with Zhou’s approval, it was officially named "Beijing Babaoshan Revolutionary Cemetery."

Initially, burial eligibility was broad, including "deceased party, state, and military leaders," as well as "famous scientists, writers, senior engineers, revolutionary martyrs, international friends, and cadres at or above the county-regiment level." Cultural figures such as Lin Huiyin, Lao She, and Li Keran were once buried here.

By the 1990s, the threshold was raised to department-director level and above.

At Babaoshan, burial or cremation with urn placement in the columbarium is allowed. The "Central Hall No. 1" (Zhongyi Shi) is the highest-ranking section. At the center of Room 101 rests Zhu De’s urn. Since Mao Zedong’s body lies in the Chairman Mao Memorial Hall and Zhou Enlai’s ashes were scattered at sea per his wishes, Zhu De is considered the highest-ranking leader interred at Babaoshan.

Others in the same room include Chen Yi, Dong Biwu, Tao Zhu, Liao Chengzhi, Li Zongren, Zhang Zhizhong, and Fu Zuoyi.

Notably, Peng Dehuai died in 1974 but, still deemed "fallen" during the Cultural Revolution, his ashes were not placed at Babaoshan. After being politically rehabilitated in 1978, his ashes were placed in Zhongyi Shi, originally next to Zhu De (No. 102). But in late 1999, at the family’s request, they were moved and reburied in his hometown of Xiangtan, Hunan.

Xi Jinping’s father, Xi Zhongxun, died in 2002 and was initially placed in Zhongyi Shi. Later, with family efforts, a mausoleum was built in Fuping County, Shaanxi (his ancestral home). On the third anniversary of his death in 2005, his ashes were transferred from Babaoshan to the Xi Zhongxun Mausoleum. Since then, the mausoleum has been expanded multiple times, especially after Xi Jinping became top leader.

Another exception is Puyi, the last emperor of the Qing Dynasty. He died in 1967 during the Cultural Revolution. His seventh uncle, Zaitao, proposed cremating him and placing his ashes in Babaoshan People’s Cemetery, not the Revolutionary Cemetery. In 1980, the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference held a belated memorial and transferred his ashes to Babaoshan Revolutionary Cemetery.

However, his widow Li Shuxian reportedly always believed this was not Puyi’s final resting place. In 1995, she finally moved his ashes to the Huayi Royal Cemetery near the Western Qing Tombs in Yixian, Hebei—a commercial cemetery located just 200 meters from the tomb of Emperor Guangxu.

It remains unclear what arrangements Zhu Rongji or his family have made for his posthumous affairs. If cremated and interred, he would likely be placed in Zhongyi Shi by convention. However, Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaoping, and Jiang Zemin all chose, per their wishes, to have their ashes scattered at sea.